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There are severaldifferent forms of public-private partnerships (PPPs)in vogue, reporting varying degrees of success. Yet, the potential use of PPPs in e-governance, health and education sectors remains largely untapped

  
    

PPP and Infrastructure

Bibek Debroy

Apublic private p a r t n e r s h i p (PPP) involves p a r t n e r s h i p between the private sector and the government. Public need not necessarily mean the government, but let’s leave that debate aside. The private party provides a good or a service, or undertakes a project. Having said this, there are alternative PPP schemes and despite PPP being a buzzword, one must realize there can be significant differences across projects. Why bring the government into it? Why doesn’t the private sector deliver the good or the service on its own? The perception is that one is talking about a public good. The classic definition of a public good (or service) is that it is nonrivalrous and non-excludable. Non-rivalrous means that one person’s consumption does
not reduce what is available to others. Non-excludable means no one can be prevented from consumption. If a good (or service) is nonrivalrous and non-excludable, the market cannot charge a price and the market will not be able to deliver it. Rare is the case of a classic public good. Most goods or services we talk about in the PPP context are not public goods. They are collective private goods. At best, they are what are called merit goods, that is, goods that deserve to be subsidised. Consequently, the public good argument for market failure is less plausible than one might think a priori. The externality argument for market failure is more plausible.

Stated simply, in the presence of externalities, private costs or benefits might not adequately reflect social costs or benefits. One must also remember that technological progress and possibilities of unbundling have rendered many market failure arguments of the 1950s now untenable. Indeed, market failure and natural monopolies often occur now because of governmental licensing restrictions, or because administered pricing renders private delivery commercially unviable. If such an identified good or service is to be provided by the government, why bring the private sector into it? The traditional answer has often been fiscal. Because right prices aren’t being charged, or cannot be charged, fiscally- constrained governments have been unable to provide the good or the service. But a different kind of answer is also equally relevant. The private sector is far more efficient at delivering and this is the efficiency argument. Different PPP models then float around. At one end of the spectrum, the private sector
provides the good or the service and assumes all the risks – financial, technical, operational. If this is the case, why call it PPP, especially if the price paid for the good or the service is completely marketdetermined and the government has no role to play, certainly not through the budget. The problem is the world isn’t competitive and competition policy instruments alone may not be enough. There may be local monopolies, even if there is competition, nationally or globally. The licensing contract is therefore for a limited period and performance requirements may be imposed. In that sense,this becomes a PPP.

Alternatively, the government may decide that the price is subject to a ceiling. In that case, the private sector needs to ensure that the project is commercially viable, especially if large capital investments are made. There may therefore be capital subsidies from the government, or annual tax holidays for a limited period of time. The government may also guarantee a rate of return, or reimburse the private sector the difference between the cost of producing and the price that can be charged. That is, there can be a revenue subsidy in addition to a capital subsidy. These types of PPPs are fairly common.

At the other end of the spectrum, there are PPPs where the government takes an equity stake. The stake can be in the form of assets, rather than in the form of cash. And especially for infrastructure, there may be differences between building, maintaining and financing. There can, therefore, be a special purpose vehicle with a consortium from the private sector and the government can also take an equity stake in it. One should also mention possibilities of BOOT (build, own, operate, transfer), BOT (build, operate, transfer), BOLT (build, operate, lease, transfer) and so on.

One often thinks PPP is about infrastructure. That’s not the case at all. Globally, and in India, there are PPP examples in social sectors too, such as health and education.

If ports and central road projects are excluded, there is in fact a relatively small value of deal flow, at only Rs 450.67 billion, in basic infrastructure PPPs

  
   

Thus, there are several different forms of PPPs. Services can be contracted out on a temporary basis to the private sector. The government can also pay an outside agency to manage a specific function. Government facilities can be rented out or leased to private entities. And government assets like public health facilities can even be sold to private groups. Finally, subsidies meant for the poor can be routed through private entities. And experiments also include levy of user fees and insurance schemes. There can be no universal template. But all these examples demonstrate that there are alternatives to the simplistic notion of increasing public expenditure and channeling it exclusively through public delivery.

Despite the possibility of PPPs in social sectors, PPPs are usually understood to be in the infrastructure sector. The Department of Economic Affairs’ (DEA) PPP database  http://www.pppindiadatabase. com/Screens/frmReportView.a spx) is quite useful in getting a sense of what is going on in different states. This quote gives a sense of what this database shows and this much more information on the site. “Delivering infrastructure services through PPP has garnered substantial pace since 2000. Governments of India have taken crucial initiatives to operational and institutionalise PPP policy to promote the flow of private capital for accelerated infrastructure development in the country. According to the sample of 300 projects in this database, the government’s active promotion of PPPs in key infrastructure sectors, such as transport, power, ports, urban infrastructure, and tourism, including railways, has resulted in a total estimated investment of Rs 1,358.76 billion in 20 states. Some states have engaged in more PPPs than others; with extensive use in some sectors. The road sector dominates in terms of number of projects, accounting for 62 per cent of total projects (35 per cent of total project investment due to smaller average size of projects). Ports come second at 13 per cent, which is 32 per cent in terms of value of projects. It is noteworthy that if ports and central road projects are excluded, there is, in fact, a relatively small value of deal flow, at only Rs 450.67 billion in basic infrastructure PPPs to-date, suggesting a significant potential upside for PPP projects across sectors where states and municipalities have primary responsibility.”

“The potential use of PPPs in egovernance, health and education sectors remains largely untapped across India as a whole, though offlate there have been some activities shaping in these sectors. Another addition to the database is the energy sector which indicates 32 projects with a total investment of Rs 17,802 crore. Out of 32 projects in energy sector, 28 of them are hydro based on BOOT basis, which were negotiated MoUs between the state andthe private parties. Across states and central agencies, the leading users of PPPs by number of projects have been Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, with 37, 36, 28 and 26 awarded projects, respectively, all in the roads sector, and the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) with about 77 projects. In terms of main types of PPP contracts, almost all contracts have been of the BOT/BOOT type (either toll or annuity payment models) or close variants. In terms of approach to provider selection, almost all the projects (in the sample data available for 300 projects) were competitively bid (either national or international competitive bidding) with the negotiated ones (through MOUs) primarily accounted for by railway and ports sector.”

However, before becoming euphoric over PPPs in infrastructure, a reality check is needed. McKinsey has come out with a good report on India’s infrastructure. It is titled, Building India, Financing and Investing in Infrastructure and was released in mid-August. This is what this report states: India requires infrastructure investments of US$ 500 billion, of which, US$ 430 billion is in transport and utility sectors. These are 11th Plan targets and one-fourth is expected to be through the PPP route. This requires (a) creation of adequate projects for tender by government agencies; (b) interest in available projects by private developers and cash contractors; (c) financial closure and start of construction; and (d) execution of projects on time and within the budget. For the first three, McKinsey has constructed an integrated measure and benchmarked it against targets set by the 11th Plan. This shows that only the power sector has achieved 100 per cent of planned capacity. The other figures are 85 per cent for ports, 75 per cent for airports (including PPP in Bangalore, Delhi, Hyderabad and Mumbai) and 50 per cent for roads. Within roads, NHDP has only achieved 10 per cent of planned capacity. Even if all the bottlenecks are resolved, there will be an infrastructure deficit of between $150 and $190 billion. This equals 35 per cent of the investment planned in power, roads, ports, airports, irrigation, water storage and natural gas in the five years leading up to March 2012.

Tardy progress in awarding and executing infrastructure projects over the next nine years could cost India $200 billion in lost gross domestic product (GDP). This will also mean a loss of 30-35 million jobs, which could have lowered the unemployment rate by as much as 6 percentage points and potentially moved nearly 4 per cent of the country’s population above the poverty line. The projected opportunity cost of not setting up infrastructure would amount to a tenth of the country’s GDP, assuming an average growth rate of 7.5 per cent between 2008 and 2017. This is besides an estimated $160 billion arising from lost industrial productivity. Half the $200 billion projected loss would be on account of India not sticking to the planned award of projects alone, with time and cost overruns estimated to cost $60 billion more, and capital constraints accounting for the rest. Only 10-15 per cent of the planned highway stretches were awarded in fiscal 2008 and 2009. In ports, the award rate was just half of the planned rate. And projects for only some $4 billion of the $14 billion National Maritime Development Programme scheduled for implementation between Governance INCLUSION July-September 2009 103 2005 and 2015 have been awarded.

Projects are often delayed because of poor planning and engineering design in the tendering phase. And some projects are rendered unviable because cost estimates are dated. In the construction phase, ineffective dispute resolution and performance management also delays projects. While there has been much focus on the government, it is also useful to look at practices of private providers that can help accelerate project execution. The report recommends that a highlevel group be set up to monitor projects worth $25-50 million and measure the performance of nodal agencies. Other initiatives suggested include changing land availability norms, tightening penalties for delays, selecting design and engineering consultants on both cost and quality, rather than only hiring the cheapest consultants. The government should also identify a few large programmes to be put under independent entities and start a construction- focused training programme to generate 2-3 million skilled or semi-skilled workers every year to bridge a shortage of construction workers.
Bibek Debroy is a noted economist
 
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